Friday, August 7, 2009
Tehran Protests
Tehran. Vanak Square. Thursday 6 August 2009
People Chanting "Marg bar Dictator!" (Death to Dictator)
Thursday, August 6, 2009
Israel will attack Iran by the end of 2009
Former US Ambassador to the UN, John Bolton, says a military strike against Iran will be the only way for Israel to shield itself, before Iran develops its nuclear weapons program.
An Israeli attack on Iran could have disastrous consequences (for both sides) and could result in several things happening at once, including (as already threatened by the Islamic Guards) the closing off of the Strait of Hormuz which could bring down a hefty amount of the world economy overnight and the retaliatory firing of Iranian long range ballistic missiles (such as the Shahab-3) at Israeli nuclear sites such as Dimona.
Wednesday, August 5, 2009
Ahmadinejad Sworn In
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad delivering his speech to Majlis, the Iranian parliament, after being sworn in for his second term as Iran's presidentTehran. 5 August 2009. Fars Photo
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was sworn in today as Iran’s president for a second term. The ceremony was held at Majlis, the Iranian parliament.
Iran’s state-owned Press TV reports from Tehran that a heavy security presence around Majlis blocked out opposition protests as Ahmadinejad took the oath of office. Thousands of security and Basij forces with their motorcycles were present in the areas around Baharestan square, where the majlis building is located [Press TV, 5 august 2009].
Iran’s state-owned Press TV reports from Tehran that a heavy security presence around Majlis blocked out opposition protests as Ahmadinejad took the oath of office. Thousands of security and Basij forces with their motorcycles were present in the areas around Baharestan square, where the majlis building is located [Press TV, 5 august 2009].
White House Spokesman: Misspoken on Ahmadinejad
White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said today he had misspoken when calling Mr. Ahmadinejad Iran's elected leader. Gibbs said Washington believes that the Iranian people should decide whether the election was fair. Gibbs made the comments onboard Air Force One.
"Let me correct a little bit of what I said yesterday. I denoted that Mr Ahmadinejad was the elected leader of Iran. I would say that's not for me to pass judgment on.
"He's been inaugurated. That's a fact. Whether any election was fair, obviously the Iranian people still have questions about that, and we'll let them decide about that."
"Let me correct a little bit of what I said yesterday. I denoted that Mr Ahmadinejad was the elected leader of Iran. I would say that's not for me to pass judgment on.
"He's been inaugurated. That's a fact. Whether any election was fair, obviously the Iranian people still have questions about that, and we'll let them decide about that."
Tuesday, August 4, 2009
Iran Lawmaker: The Three Americans Came as Spies
Shane Bauer, one of the three Americans detained by the Iranians, shownon a screen grab of his website "about" section. He introduces himself as
a freelance journalist and photographer based in the Middle East
The three Americans crossed the boder near Iranian town of Marivan
Dokan Resort, Iraqi Kurdistan
The three Americans were last seen in the resort before hiking in the region
The three Americans crossed the boder near Iranian town of Marivan
Dokan Resort, Iraqi KurdistanThe three Americans were last seen in the resort before hiking in the region
The chairman of National Security Committee of Majlis (Iranian parliament) Mohammad Karim Abedi told Iran’s state-run Arabic television Al-Alam today that the authorities are deciding whether the three Americans arrested in Iran last Friday will be accused of spying. The authorities had earlier confirmed the arrests. Shane Bauer, Sarah Shourd and Joshua Fattal, all UC Berkley graduates, strayed across Malakh-Khor border from Iraq near the Iranian town of Marivan while hiking in the region and were surrendered and detained by Iran’s border police.
Abedi told Al-Alam that he personally believed the three came as spies but authorities are still deciding whether there is proof to bring legal action against them.
Abedi told Al-Alam that he personally believed the three came as spies but authorities are still deciding whether there is proof to bring legal action against them.
Sultan of Oman in Tehran
Sultan Qabus of Oman being Greeted by President AhmadinejadMarmar Presidential Palace. Tehran. 4 August 2009. IRNA
Sultan Qabus Meets with Ayatollah Khamenei.Tehran. 4 August 2009. IRNA
Monday, August 3, 2009
US to Prevent a Nuclear Iran
The US government vowed today to do “what has to be done” to prevent Iran from having nuclear weapons. White House Spokesman Robert Gibbs explained the Washington policy.
"We think it's important to do what has to be done in order to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon," said Gibbs.
The New York Times had reported earlier that the US is ready to cut off Iran’s gasoline imports if the county’s uranium enrichment issue could not be resolved through negotiations.
Gibbs declined to comment specifically on the New York Times report. During the US presidential campaign, Candidate Obama had pledged to stop gasoline import to Iran to force the Iranians to end their enrichment program.
What the IIAF were prepared for
Since 1972 the Shah of Iran had taken interest in buying some new American built hi-tech interceptor aircraft, Iran had taken interest in the General Dynamics F-111 since 1968 but the US turned down this request instead sending some 32 F-4 Phantom II's to Iran in the early 1970's.
In light of air to air combat experience from Vietnam the Grumman Cooperation designed the F-14 Tomcat, a fast and powerful interceptor that could face down nimble Russian MiGs (earning it the nickname MiG killer), it also had the large powerful AWG-9 radar that could scan the battlefield for miles and could carry six AIM-54 missiles, these large long range missiles could be fired and reach a speed of Mach 4 before hitting their target from up to 100 miles away.
This incorporated with the AWG-9 radar meant that the F-14 could track 24 different targets and fire 6 missiles at them, all of this under a single airframe, truly the worlds first super fighter.
But after the delivery of the first 20 or so in 1976 the Shah ordered another batch bringing the total number of orders up to 80, these made up the bulk of the IIAF air defense that would cover all of Iran, most of the F-14's to be situated at the massive Khatami Air Base built in the desert outside of Isfahan near the center of the country.
The development of such huge aerial defence logistics for Iran in a short time was to counter Soviet MiGs which were overflying Iran in the mid 1970's, it was very hard for their F-4's to intercept the fast MiG-25 Foxbats (still one of the fastest fighter jets in the world) and such interceptions were becoming dangerous when an F-4 did manage to hit a MiG-25 which crashed after flying over the northern border into the USSR.
The Soviets responded by shooting down one of the IIAF EF-4's, not long later the first F-14's begun to arrive.
The IIAF was therefore improving Iran's air defense to be one of the best in the world, the AIM-54 armed F-14 Tomcat proved a real threat to the Soviets compared to the Sparrow armed F-4, over the desert the F-14's trained by shooting down drones from very long distances with their new AIM-54 missiles testing the truly deadly system to its limits.
The Shah seemed to think seriously that the Soviets were going to invade, if coordinated properly the IIAF would be a match for even the Soviet Air Force and would be a formidable obstacle for a mass Soviet attempt to gain air superiority over Iran, the Shah had also ordered the delivery of some 160 F-16 Fighting Falcons about a year before the revolution but that never happened and they were given to Israel (and a handful to Pakistan) instead in 1980.
But that would have been one formidable force if held together properly, the F-16's just add it to a standard that would ensure the Russians had no air superiority and would therefore be unable to launch a ground invasion of northern Iran.
However following the 1979 Iranian revolution the IIAF fell apart when the Americans left along with several pro Shah pilots, those who remained (Shah's pilots) where jailed or tortured and most of the planes were not able to get proper maintenance, the grand IIAF had fallen and was replaced by the IRIAF which still has some former IIAF aircraft in it today. But by 1988 they had been exhausted for resources (helped mainly by the arms and economic embargo's enforced by the US and Europe) by fighting the war with Saddam and most of the AIM-54 missiles had gone beyond their shelf life and only 25 of the original 79 Tomcats remained flyable.
But the IRIAF are pushing some more of the war worthy broken down F-14's into repairs (making new parts fixing the air frames back up etc.) and working on a replacement for the deadly AIM-54 Phoenix system.
In light of air to air combat experience from Vietnam the Grumman Cooperation designed the F-14 Tomcat, a fast and powerful interceptor that could face down nimble Russian MiGs (earning it the nickname MiG killer), it also had the large powerful AWG-9 radar that could scan the battlefield for miles and could carry six AIM-54 missiles, these large long range missiles could be fired and reach a speed of Mach 4 before hitting their target from up to 100 miles away.
This incorporated with the AWG-9 radar meant that the F-14 could track 24 different targets and fire 6 missiles at them, all of this under a single airframe, truly the worlds first super fighter.
But after the delivery of the first 20 or so in 1976 the Shah ordered another batch bringing the total number of orders up to 80, these made up the bulk of the IIAF air defense that would cover all of Iran, most of the F-14's to be situated at the massive Khatami Air Base built in the desert outside of Isfahan near the center of the country.
The development of such huge aerial defence logistics for Iran in a short time was to counter Soviet MiGs which were overflying Iran in the mid 1970's, it was very hard for their F-4's to intercept the fast MiG-25 Foxbats (still one of the fastest fighter jets in the world) and such interceptions were becoming dangerous when an F-4 did manage to hit a MiG-25 which crashed after flying over the northern border into the USSR.
The Soviets responded by shooting down one of the IIAF EF-4's, not long later the first F-14's begun to arrive.
The IIAF was therefore improving Iran's air defense to be one of the best in the world, the AIM-54 armed F-14 Tomcat proved a real threat to the Soviets compared to the Sparrow armed F-4, over the desert the F-14's trained by shooting down drones from very long distances with their new AIM-54 missiles testing the truly deadly system to its limits.
The Shah seemed to think seriously that the Soviets were going to invade, if coordinated properly the IIAF would be a match for even the Soviet Air Force and would be a formidable obstacle for a mass Soviet attempt to gain air superiority over Iran, the Shah had also ordered the delivery of some 160 F-16 Fighting Falcons about a year before the revolution but that never happened and they were given to Israel (and a handful to Pakistan) instead in 1980.
But that would have been one formidable force if held together properly, the F-16's just add it to a standard that would ensure the Russians had no air superiority and would therefore be unable to launch a ground invasion of northern Iran.
However following the 1979 Iranian revolution the IIAF fell apart when the Americans left along with several pro Shah pilots, those who remained (Shah's pilots) where jailed or tortured and most of the planes were not able to get proper maintenance, the grand IIAF had fallen and was replaced by the IRIAF which still has some former IIAF aircraft in it today. But by 1988 they had been exhausted for resources (helped mainly by the arms and economic embargo's enforced by the US and Europe) by fighting the war with Saddam and most of the AIM-54 missiles had gone beyond their shelf life and only 25 of the original 79 Tomcats remained flyable.
But the IRIAF are pushing some more of the war worthy broken down F-14's into repairs (making new parts fixing the air frames back up etc.) and working on a replacement for the deadly AIM-54 Phoenix system.
Nader Uskowi - Interviews with Future TV
Nader Uskowi. Future TV. 31 July 2009For our Arabic-speaking readers, following are the tapes of Nader Uskowi's recent interview with Beirut’s Future TV on the recent developments in Iran. The actual interview starts on tape 1 at approximately 7:00 minute mark, continuing into the second part.
Interview on 9 July 2009 on Iran nuclear program:
Ahmadinejad Prepares for Second Term amid Crisis
Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei today formally approved the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. In a ceremony boycotted by former presidents Ayatollahs Rafsanjani and Khatami, Kameneie congratulated Ahmadinejad, praising him as brave, hard-working and wise man.
"I am endorsing the presidency of this brave, hard-working and wise man as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran," said Khamanei.
Ahmadinejad begins his second term much weakened by a surprisingly strong and unwavering opposition movement against his presidency. A fragile de-facto co-existence arrangement between the opposition and the government is taking shape. This blogger believes that a long period of balance of fear has begun; the opposition and the government unable to topple the other, needing to postpone the endgame to a later date, perhaps the next presidential election.
Developments outside Iran, however, might tip the balance in favor of the opposition sooner than expected. The Obama administration is expected to impose real and harsh economic sanctions against Iran if the uranium enrichment issue is not resolved by year’s end, including an embargo on export of gasoline and other oil refined products to Iran. Gasoline imports to and oil exports from Iran are essential to the country’s economy and the government’s standing in the country.
I disagree with Mr. Khamenei that Ahmadinejad will be that brave, wise soul to lead the country out of its current crisis.
"I am endorsing the presidency of this brave, hard-working and wise man as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran," said Khamanei.
Ahmadinejad begins his second term much weakened by a surprisingly strong and unwavering opposition movement against his presidency. A fragile de-facto co-existence arrangement between the opposition and the government is taking shape. This blogger believes that a long period of balance of fear has begun; the opposition and the government unable to topple the other, needing to postpone the endgame to a later date, perhaps the next presidential election.
Developments outside Iran, however, might tip the balance in favor of the opposition sooner than expected. The Obama administration is expected to impose real and harsh economic sanctions against Iran if the uranium enrichment issue is not resolved by year’s end, including an embargo on export of gasoline and other oil refined products to Iran. Gasoline imports to and oil exports from Iran are essential to the country’s economy and the government’s standing in the country.
I disagree with Mr. Khamenei that Ahmadinejad will be that brave, wise soul to lead the country out of its current crisis.
Sunday, August 2, 2009
Criticism of Iran Trials by Former IRGC Commander
Criticism of Iran's mass prosecution of political activists widened today with former IRGC commander Mohsen Rezaie demanding that the trials must be held for anyone linked to deadly attacks on the streets or torture of detainees.
"Otherwise, justice will not be realized and it is possible that unrest will not end," said Rezaei [Tabnak, 2 August].
Rezaie, one of the founders of the IRGC and a long-time conservative figure in Iranian politics, becomes the first major public figure on the right to criticize the trials.
"Otherwise, justice will not be realized and it is possible that unrest will not end," said Rezaei [Tabnak, 2 August].
Rezaie, one of the founders of the IRGC and a long-time conservative figure in Iranian politics, becomes the first major public figure on the right to criticize the trials.
Questions Surrounding Iran’s Airliner Crash
Italian daily Corriere Della Sera on Saturday reported that Iran’s Caspian Air’s Russian-made Tupolev jet that crashed near the city of Qazvin on 15 July, claiming the lives of 168 people, was carrying in its luggage compartment several metal cases with two kilograms of explosives and detonators.
The aircraft was flying to Armenia when it crashed. Eyewitnesses reported hearing explosions in the plane before it crashed into the ground. The Armenian investigators had visited the crash site, but the newspaper did not say if they were among its sources. Iranian authorities have said that they recovered the plane’s three black boxes but have not yet offered an official explanation for the fatal crash.
At the time of the crash, there were reports that members of the elite Iranian Revolutionary Guards were on board the plane. Corriere Della Sera says that its sources claim that the IRGC officers were to monitor the delivery of explosives to Hezbollah via Armenia.
The aircraft was flying to Armenia when it crashed. Eyewitnesses reported hearing explosions in the plane before it crashed into the ground. The Armenian investigators had visited the crash site, but the newspaper did not say if they were among its sources. Iranian authorities have said that they recovered the plane’s three black boxes but have not yet offered an official explanation for the fatal crash.
At the time of the crash, there were reports that members of the elite Iranian Revolutionary Guards were on board the plane. Corriere Della Sera says that its sources claim that the IRGC officers were to monitor the delivery of explosives to Hezbollah via Armenia.
Iran Trials Denounced – Confessions under Torture
Former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami denounced today the trial of approximately 100 people charged with taking part in post-election demonstrations. The trials took place on Saturday.
“What was done yesterday is against the constitution, laws and right of the citizens,” Khatami told a group of lawmakers and political activist. “The court relied on confessions taken under certain circumstances which are not valid.”
“The most important problem with the trials is that it was not held in an open session. The lawyers and the defendants were not informed of the contents of the cases ahead of the trial,” Khatami said.
Meanwhile, the opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi said in Tehran today that confessions at trial were extracted under “torture.”
Iran put 10 more protesters on trial in the revolutionary court in Tehran today [ISNA].
We believe the trials, reminiscent of Stalin-era trials of top Soviet leadership, are indeed invalid and will further inflame the anti-government sentiments among the youths and other segments of the population. Governments apparently have tough time to learn from history.
“What was done yesterday is against the constitution, laws and right of the citizens,” Khatami told a group of lawmakers and political activist. “The court relied on confessions taken under certain circumstances which are not valid.”
“The most important problem with the trials is that it was not held in an open session. The lawyers and the defendants were not informed of the contents of the cases ahead of the trial,” Khatami said.
Meanwhile, the opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi said in Tehran today that confessions at trial were extracted under “torture.”
Iran put 10 more protesters on trial in the revolutionary court in Tehran today [ISNA].
We believe the trials, reminiscent of Stalin-era trials of top Soviet leadership, are indeed invalid and will further inflame the anti-government sentiments among the youths and other segments of the population. Governments apparently have tough time to learn from history.
Mohammad Ali Abtahi, Iran's former vice president, shown before his arrest (l.) and at his trial on Saturday
Saturday, August 1, 2009
"Operation in Afghanistan rooted in Israel?"
The real reason why the U.S. continues its presence in Afghanistan is Iran the country which is an annoyance for Israel, said Karen Kwiatkowski, a writer and former U.S. Air Force officer.
An interesting episode on U.S. -Iranian relations
quote:
According to a variety of reports, the Iranians offered a grand bargain deal in 2003 via the Swiss Embassy in Tehran. The comprehensive deal listed both U.S. and Iranian aims. Through a two-page unclassified fax from Swiss interlocutors (that according to Flynt Leverett, a career CIA analyst and counter-terrorism expert at the State Department at the time, had support from all of the important figures in the Iranian government), Iran sent a bulleted list of trade-offs to spark negotiations between the two countries.
Iran offered to provide full transparency for its nuclear program under the policies of the International Atomic Energy Agency; provide full disclosure to the United States for tracking down al-Qaeda elements; support efforts to create a stable, democratic, nonreligious Iraqi government; halt material support to Palestinian opposition groups; and accept a two-state solution for the Israeli/Palestinian issue based on 1967 borders.
In return, the United States was to forgo all economic sanctions on Iran, cease rhetoric linking Iran to terrorism, establish a fully democratic state in Iraq (ensuring a Shi’ite majority power structure), allow Iran full access to peaceful nuclear technology, and turnover Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (an anti-Iranian terrorist organization) cadres in Iraq to Iran. Apparently, it was this last point that was the most contentious within the U.S. administration, even though it was an aim of the administration to disarm the Mujahedin-e Khalq, which is on the terrorist organizations list.
The offer was rebuffed by the Bush administration. Whether this offer hit a dead end because of a lack of interest on the part of Washington or because of questions regarding the validity and credibility of the proposal, this episode proved yet another failed attempt to fundamentally re-order the U.S.-Iranian relationship. Either way, the United States is now in a weaker position to strike such deals with Iran than it was in 2003 and currently faces an Iranian government dominated by factions less interested in negotiation and engagement with the West.
"Dangerous But Not Omnipotent - Exploring the Reach and Limitations of Iranian Power in the Middle East"
RAND, 2009
According to a variety of reports, the Iranians offered a grand bargain deal in 2003 via the Swiss Embassy in Tehran. The comprehensive deal listed both U.S. and Iranian aims. Through a two-page unclassified fax from Swiss interlocutors (that according to Flynt Leverett, a career CIA analyst and counter-terrorism expert at the State Department at the time, had support from all of the important figures in the Iranian government), Iran sent a bulleted list of trade-offs to spark negotiations between the two countries.
Iran offered to provide full transparency for its nuclear program under the policies of the International Atomic Energy Agency; provide full disclosure to the United States for tracking down al-Qaeda elements; support efforts to create a stable, democratic, nonreligious Iraqi government; halt material support to Palestinian opposition groups; and accept a two-state solution for the Israeli/Palestinian issue based on 1967 borders.
In return, the United States was to forgo all economic sanctions on Iran, cease rhetoric linking Iran to terrorism, establish a fully democratic state in Iraq (ensuring a Shi’ite majority power structure), allow Iran full access to peaceful nuclear technology, and turnover Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (an anti-Iranian terrorist organization) cadres in Iraq to Iran. Apparently, it was this last point that was the most contentious within the U.S. administration, even though it was an aim of the administration to disarm the Mujahedin-e Khalq, which is on the terrorist organizations list.
The offer was rebuffed by the Bush administration. Whether this offer hit a dead end because of a lack of interest on the part of Washington or because of questions regarding the validity and credibility of the proposal, this episode proved yet another failed attempt to fundamentally re-order the U.S.-Iranian relationship. Either way, the United States is now in a weaker position to strike such deals with Iran than it was in 2003 and currently faces an Iranian government dominated by factions less interested in negotiation and engagement with the West.
"Dangerous But Not Omnipotent - Exploring the Reach and Limitations of Iranian Power in the Middle East"
RAND, 2009
Three Americans Detained in Iran
The region southest of Sulaimaniyah on Iranian border
near Iranian town of Marivan
(Google Earth)
near Iranian town of Marivan
(Google Earth)
Kurdish mountainous region near Sulaimaniyah
A Scene from Ahmed AwaThree American hikers were detained after crossing Iranian border across Ahmed Awa
Iran has arrested three Americans hikers who crossed the border with Iraq at the picturesque Ahmed Awa, about 90 km (55 miles) southeast of Sulaimaniyah in autonomous Kurdistan region. The three are believed to be held in the local border police station.
Beshro Ahmed, media adviser for the Kurdish region, told reporters today that the two men and a woman, Shane Bauer, Sara Shroud and Joshua Fattal, had entered from Turkey earlier along with a fourth American, Shaun Gabriel Maxwell, who did not join the trek because he was ill.
"On Thursday, three of them went to the summer resort at Ahmed Awa," Ahmed said [AFP, 1 August].
Ahmed Awa is a cool and heavily-forested area. The mountainous region has several youth hostels, one of which the three American tourists stayed at. The nearby border with Iran is not clearly marked.
The group was in contact with their companion in Sulaimaniya until about 1:30 p.m. Friday, when they reported they were “surrounded by Iranian soldiers,” an official told CNN. After that, no further communication was received [CNN, 1 August].
MSNBC Report on the Incident
New Naval Base in Jask
Jask, at right, on Gulf of Oman near Strait of Hormuz(Click to enlarge)
Map by Falling Rain Genomics, Inc.
Bandar Jask. Gulf of OmanGoogle Earth
Iran’s Navy Commander Rear Admiral Habiballah Sayari in a ceremony held on Wednesday opened a new naval base in Jask. The new base is strategically located on Gulf of Oman near Strait of Hormuz.
Stalin-era Trials in Iran
Mohammad Ali Abtahi (second from right), a cleric, prominent reformist and a former vice president
on trial along with 100 other defendants
Tehran. 1 August 2009. IRNA
( Note that Abtahi is holding a pre-written "confession")
Iran opened trials today for approximately 100 defendants charged with “leading and participating in riots, acting against national security, disturbing public order, damaging public and government property,” and “having relations with anti-revolutionary groups.” Several prominent moderates and pro-reform figures were among the defendants.
The trials, reminiscent of Stalin-era trials for some of the top Soviet leaders, will feature “confessions” of the accused, held more than 40 days in prison under torture.
Friday, July 31, 2009
Project Sky Hawk
Iranian F-14 Tomcat with MIM-23 I-HAWK round
The initial plan of Project Sky Hawk was to successfully mount and accurately fire a MIM-23 I-HAWK round in the place of the dwindling stocks of the American made AIM-54 Phoenix missile.
Video of Iranian F-14 with HAWK SAM
The I-HAWK is a SAM (Surface to Air Missile) so marrying it up with the F-14 was going to be a difficult task for Iranian technicians.
One HAWK was test-fired from an F-14 on in April of 1986, but if the missile fired from the F-14 had any hope of scoring a hit, the F-14 would have to fly at no less than 10,000 ft and Mac 0.75 with the target at between 30,000 and 50,000 ft. Test-firing also had to be carefully conducted eventually proving that in the heat of combat it would be extremely unreliable.
It was eventually discontinued, a similar idea was done with the testing of Sedjil missile on the F-14 during the 1990's a few years after the war had ended.
Iran: Opposition vs. Government, the Way Ahead
President Ahmadinejad said today in Tehran that the “devils” were perpetrating the allegations of division between him and Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, over his recent selection of his vice president. Interestingly enough, the hardliners and close allies of Khamanei were the most vocal critics of Ahmadinejad’s choice. It was not clear from Ahmadinejad’s statement if he was classifying those allies, among them Keyhan’s influential editor Hossein Shariatmadari, as “evils.” Denying the growing tensions among the conservative camp would not make them disappear.
Meanwhile, Ahmadinejad’s foreign minister, Manouchehr Mottaki, said in Tehran today that the post-election demonstrations and the current pro-opposition movement were the work of foreign countries. He also blamed Britain, and not Iran’s Basij and security forces, for the killing of demonstrators on the streets of Tehran.
This blogger expected the government to learn a thing or two from the opposition movement, its strength and its simple and just demands as well as lessons learned from government’s heavyhandedness in dealing with young demonstrators. Instead they are following the familiar path of blaming everything on foreigners. The more I listen to such statements by government officials, the more I become convinced that they have lost touch with realities on the ground.
We are entering a delicate and probably a prolong period of balance of fear between the government and the opposition, each having its own support among segments of the population, but neither able to get rid of the other, either by use of force by the government or by street demonstrations by the opposition.
This is a rare opportunity for the opposition to mature and organize for a fundamental change in the way the country is governed. The strength of the opposition was again tested during city-wide demonstration in Tehran in commemoration of the 40th Day anniversary of the death of Neda and other slain demonstrators. And the maturity of the the opposition leaders in handling the delicate task of organizing the memorial service at Behesht Zahra was also put on display.
Meanwhile, Ahmadinejad’s foreign minister, Manouchehr Mottaki, said in Tehran today that the post-election demonstrations and the current pro-opposition movement were the work of foreign countries. He also blamed Britain, and not Iran’s Basij and security forces, for the killing of demonstrators on the streets of Tehran.
This blogger expected the government to learn a thing or two from the opposition movement, its strength and its simple and just demands as well as lessons learned from government’s heavyhandedness in dealing with young demonstrators. Instead they are following the familiar path of blaming everything on foreigners. The more I listen to such statements by government officials, the more I become convinced that they have lost touch with realities on the ground.
We are entering a delicate and probably a prolong period of balance of fear between the government and the opposition, each having its own support among segments of the population, but neither able to get rid of the other, either by use of force by the government or by street demonstrations by the opposition.
This is a rare opportunity for the opposition to mature and organize for a fundamental change in the way the country is governed. The strength of the opposition was again tested during city-wide demonstration in Tehran in commemoration of the 40th Day anniversary of the death of Neda and other slain demonstrators. And the maturity of the the opposition leaders in handling the delicate task of organizing the memorial service at Behesht Zahra was also put on display.
Thursday, July 30, 2009
A Letter from Tehran: Opposition Rising
A Letter from Tehran:
"This is going to be a slightly disjointed email, I'm sorry in advance. It's already well passed midnight here and we just finished returning from the streets protesting. But I wanted to make sure to get this out tonight.
Today marked the 40th day anniversary of the killings of such youth as Neda Agha Soltan and Sohrab Aarabi in Iran's post-election demonstrations. We headed to Behesht Zahra Cemetery in the afternoon to join the 4pm ceremony at their gravesites. Behesht Zahra is about a one hour drive south of Tehran and as we neared the cemetery, about five police cars and officers were directing traffic. Waiting to enter the cemetery compound in the traffic, one of my companions pulled down the window and half jokingly asked the police officer what was going on. He smiled back and said, "Nothing, just go towards row 257." For those not familiar with Behesht Zahra, it's an enormous cemetery with wide avenues and squares. Knowing it would take us a while to find our destination, the police officer decided to help by telling us in which row we could find Neda's grave (others in Behesht Zahra would help lost drivers by directing them to Neda. That's all people said: "Neda ounjast" (Neda is there), pointing in the direction of her grave).
Throughout the ceremony it was obvious the police force was very sympathetic with the people (as opposed to the anti-riot police and the revolutionary guard factions that were present in large numbers and were standing by the graves of both Neda and Sohrab).
By the time we arrived to their graves, it was 4.30pm and about 150,000-200,000 had gathered there. Most had on green ribbons and shouted in unison: "Neda-ye ma namordeh, ein dolat-e ke morde" (Our Neda is not dead; it is this government that is dead). Her grave was covered in flowers and candles, as was the grave of Sohrab, just a few feet away. The demonstration was held about 75 feet from the graves and was where the majority of the people had gathered. The main difference between this gathering and the other gatherings in the past two months was that the slogans for this gathering were very highly charged and at times extremely revengeful. People shouted: "ma bache-haye jangim, bejang ta bejangim" (we're the children of war, fight and we'll fight back); "mikosham ani ke baradaram ra kosht" (I will kill he who killed my brother). There was no more talk of reclaiming the vote, but of getting rid of this "coup" government; the most numerous chant was "Death to the dictator." The anger could be felt at this gathering (which for me was a very ominous sign of worse things to come) and there was a very palpable lack of fear among people. Both Mir Hossein Mousavi and Karoubi had shown up at the gathering earlier in the afternoon.
We stayed for nearly two hours and decided to leave when we saw the security forces getting larger in number. As we left, we heard that they had hit some with batons and we could feel the tear gas in the air. A few minutes later reports emerged that Jafar Panahi, the award-winning filmmaker was arrested, as was Mahnaz Mohammadi, a documentary filmmaker and a women's rights activist. They have both been taken to an unknown location.
As we left the cemetery, the honking of the cars began: most cars were heading into Tehran to try to get as close to Mosallah as possible (the large mosque in central Tehran where Mousavi and Karoubi had asked to hold a ceremony of those killed last month---the interior ministry did not give the permission for the gathering, but people had decided to show up there at 6 regardless). Every car driving out of Behesht Zahar was honking their horns and all drivers and passengers had their hands out of their cars in the peace sign. The police tried to discourage drivers from driving the main highway that would lead to central Tehran, but very few listened. Soldiers standing along the streets flashed the peace sign back at the honking cars with large smiles on their faces. It was obvious the soldiers and police forces were with the people.
A few streets away from Mosallah, we saw people running from motorcycles (the Basij), who tried to taser them, and the protestors encouraged us to turn our windows up so the tear gas wouldn't hurt us. Residents came out of their homes and began small fires on the corners (to help against the tear gas). The streets were completely overtaken by protestors who were in a cat and mouse game with the security forces, all on motorcycles. We parked the car and went onto Valiasr Street (the main boulevard in Tehran that runs from north to south). The city was covered in a haze from all the tear gas and fires started on the corners. All roads leading to Mosallah were witness to huge confrontations between people and the security forces.
As we arrived on Valiasr people were spilt on different sides of the sidewalk: one side would shout slogans, the anti-riot police would attack with their batons and paint-ball guns (to mark the protestors to pick them up later), then the other side of the side-walk would start the chanting, so the anti-riot police would be forced to come to this side. As they attacked one side of the sidewalk, the protestors on the opposite side would come out of the side streets they had just run into and gather, regroup, and chant again. This continued for hours. When the anti-riot police disappeared for a bit, people lit candles and put them on the sidewalks, to commemorate the deaths of Neda, Sohrab, and the others. At one point we had managed to cover one section of the street in candles. As soon as the plainclothes militia saw the sidewalk lit in candles, they approached, stomped them out, and began hitting people. No one turned away. They would attack us, we'd run into the side streets and reemerge less than one minute later.
The most haunting scene was when protestors had gathered at the beginning of Takht-tavvos Street and were shouting "Death to the Dictator." The anti-riot police gathered on their motorcycles (two per motorcycle, all in camouflage, with full riot gear) in the middle of the street and their leader began pumping them up (it looked like a huddle during a football game---it was disgusting). He got them riled up, spun his baton in the air three times, and then they attacked (there were about 30 motorcycles, all in full gear). As they attacked the protestors in the street, some from the side began throwing stones at them, and all began cursing.
The anti-riot police would also drive up in cars and try to get people to move along and not congregate. People would walk slowly, and then turn right back around. There was no more fear. They attacked; people retreated in the side-streets, and then would come back out in less than one minute as soon as the motorcycles had gone off. There were so many protesters, and they were spread out all throughout Tehran (Valiasr Square, Fatemi Square, Yousefabad, Vanak Square, Mosallah, Sanati Square, Amirabad, Revolution Square, Tajrish Square....all the main streets and squares of Tehran were full of people and it seemed for the first time that the forces simply were not enough).
The security forces were using batons, chains, whips, tasers, paint-ball guns, and I saw handguns in the hands of three of them. There was a rumor that a few were shot at in Vanak Square. Two people were picked up near us and people tried to chase after the security forces to get the young men back, but it was a futile chase. Until around 11pm the streets were full of people. At 10 pm the shouts of Allah-o Akbar and Death to the Dictator were being screamed from the rooftops all over the city until 10.30 pm.
People of all ages, sexes, and socio-economic groups were out today. We ran into many at the cemetery who had driven in from the provinces to attend the 40th day ceremony. Religious men and women were numerous at the gravesite, as were non-religious men and women. Children were out (at one point on the street back in Tehran I saw a group of two brothers and one sister, the youngest about 7 and the eldest 14, walking hand in hand down the street). Middle aged and older people would turn to us and say "we're out on the streets for you guys, this is for your future, for your generation." One mother told a soldier who asked her to go back home "I'm not going anywhere. Don't you know that we brought you guys into power by doing just this: by being out on the streets for nights on end? We brought you to where you are today, and we're going to take you out by being on the streets. I'm not going anywhere."
"This is going to be a slightly disjointed email, I'm sorry in advance. It's already well passed midnight here and we just finished returning from the streets protesting. But I wanted to make sure to get this out tonight.
Today marked the 40th day anniversary of the killings of such youth as Neda Agha Soltan and Sohrab Aarabi in Iran's post-election demonstrations. We headed to Behesht Zahra Cemetery in the afternoon to join the 4pm ceremony at their gravesites. Behesht Zahra is about a one hour drive south of Tehran and as we neared the cemetery, about five police cars and officers were directing traffic. Waiting to enter the cemetery compound in the traffic, one of my companions pulled down the window and half jokingly asked the police officer what was going on. He smiled back and said, "Nothing, just go towards row 257." For those not familiar with Behesht Zahra, it's an enormous cemetery with wide avenues and squares. Knowing it would take us a while to find our destination, the police officer decided to help by telling us in which row we could find Neda's grave (others in Behesht Zahra would help lost drivers by directing them to Neda. That's all people said: "Neda ounjast" (Neda is there), pointing in the direction of her grave).
Throughout the ceremony it was obvious the police force was very sympathetic with the people (as opposed to the anti-riot police and the revolutionary guard factions that were present in large numbers and were standing by the graves of both Neda and Sohrab).
By the time we arrived to their graves, it was 4.30pm and about 150,000-200,000 had gathered there. Most had on green ribbons and shouted in unison: "Neda-ye ma namordeh, ein dolat-e ke morde" (Our Neda is not dead; it is this government that is dead). Her grave was covered in flowers and candles, as was the grave of Sohrab, just a few feet away. The demonstration was held about 75 feet from the graves and was where the majority of the people had gathered. The main difference between this gathering and the other gatherings in the past two months was that the slogans for this gathering were very highly charged and at times extremely revengeful. People shouted: "ma bache-haye jangim, bejang ta bejangim" (we're the children of war, fight and we'll fight back); "mikosham ani ke baradaram ra kosht" (I will kill he who killed my brother). There was no more talk of reclaiming the vote, but of getting rid of this "coup" government; the most numerous chant was "Death to the dictator." The anger could be felt at this gathering (which for me was a very ominous sign of worse things to come) and there was a very palpable lack of fear among people. Both Mir Hossein Mousavi and Karoubi had shown up at the gathering earlier in the afternoon.
We stayed for nearly two hours and decided to leave when we saw the security forces getting larger in number. As we left, we heard that they had hit some with batons and we could feel the tear gas in the air. A few minutes later reports emerged that Jafar Panahi, the award-winning filmmaker was arrested, as was Mahnaz Mohammadi, a documentary filmmaker and a women's rights activist. They have both been taken to an unknown location.
As we left the cemetery, the honking of the cars began: most cars were heading into Tehran to try to get as close to Mosallah as possible (the large mosque in central Tehran where Mousavi and Karoubi had asked to hold a ceremony of those killed last month---the interior ministry did not give the permission for the gathering, but people had decided to show up there at 6 regardless). Every car driving out of Behesht Zahar was honking their horns and all drivers and passengers had their hands out of their cars in the peace sign. The police tried to discourage drivers from driving the main highway that would lead to central Tehran, but very few listened. Soldiers standing along the streets flashed the peace sign back at the honking cars with large smiles on their faces. It was obvious the soldiers and police forces were with the people.
A few streets away from Mosallah, we saw people running from motorcycles (the Basij), who tried to taser them, and the protestors encouraged us to turn our windows up so the tear gas wouldn't hurt us. Residents came out of their homes and began small fires on the corners (to help against the tear gas). The streets were completely overtaken by protestors who were in a cat and mouse game with the security forces, all on motorcycles. We parked the car and went onto Valiasr Street (the main boulevard in Tehran that runs from north to south). The city was covered in a haze from all the tear gas and fires started on the corners. All roads leading to Mosallah were witness to huge confrontations between people and the security forces.
As we arrived on Valiasr people were spilt on different sides of the sidewalk: one side would shout slogans, the anti-riot police would attack with their batons and paint-ball guns (to mark the protestors to pick them up later), then the other side of the side-walk would start the chanting, so the anti-riot police would be forced to come to this side. As they attacked one side of the sidewalk, the protestors on the opposite side would come out of the side streets they had just run into and gather, regroup, and chant again. This continued for hours. When the anti-riot police disappeared for a bit, people lit candles and put them on the sidewalks, to commemorate the deaths of Neda, Sohrab, and the others. At one point we had managed to cover one section of the street in candles. As soon as the plainclothes militia saw the sidewalk lit in candles, they approached, stomped them out, and began hitting people. No one turned away. They would attack us, we'd run into the side streets and reemerge less than one minute later.
The most haunting scene was when protestors had gathered at the beginning of Takht-tavvos Street and were shouting "Death to the Dictator." The anti-riot police gathered on their motorcycles (two per motorcycle, all in camouflage, with full riot gear) in the middle of the street and their leader began pumping them up (it looked like a huddle during a football game---it was disgusting). He got them riled up, spun his baton in the air three times, and then they attacked (there were about 30 motorcycles, all in full gear). As they attacked the protestors in the street, some from the side began throwing stones at them, and all began cursing.
The anti-riot police would also drive up in cars and try to get people to move along and not congregate. People would walk slowly, and then turn right back around. There was no more fear. They attacked; people retreated in the side-streets, and then would come back out in less than one minute as soon as the motorcycles had gone off. There were so many protesters, and they were spread out all throughout Tehran (Valiasr Square, Fatemi Square, Yousefabad, Vanak Square, Mosallah, Sanati Square, Amirabad, Revolution Square, Tajrish Square....all the main streets and squares of Tehran were full of people and it seemed for the first time that the forces simply were not enough).
The security forces were using batons, chains, whips, tasers, paint-ball guns, and I saw handguns in the hands of three of them. There was a rumor that a few were shot at in Vanak Square. Two people were picked up near us and people tried to chase after the security forces to get the young men back, but it was a futile chase. Until around 11pm the streets were full of people. At 10 pm the shouts of Allah-o Akbar and Death to the Dictator were being screamed from the rooftops all over the city until 10.30 pm.
People of all ages, sexes, and socio-economic groups were out today. We ran into many at the cemetery who had driven in from the provinces to attend the 40th day ceremony. Religious men and women were numerous at the gravesite, as were non-religious men and women. Children were out (at one point on the street back in Tehran I saw a group of two brothers and one sister, the youngest about 7 and the eldest 14, walking hand in hand down the street). Middle aged and older people would turn to us and say "we're out on the streets for you guys, this is for your future, for your generation." One mother told a soldier who asked her to go back home "I'm not going anywhere. Don't you know that we brought you guys into power by doing just this: by being out on the streets for nights on end? We brought you to where you are today, and we're going to take you out by being on the streets. I'm not going anywhere."
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