By Paul Iddon
A broad historical comparison that bares consideration.
The recent passing of the former Czech President, playwright and dissident Václav Havel gives one a rather timely occasion to reflect upon the history of former Czechoslovakia and the substantial role he played in it.
Today as political dissidents and women are struggling for their human rights and right to practice freedom of speech are languishing in the likes of Evin Prison the informal civic initiative dubbed Charter 77 which Havel helped to draw up during Czechoslovakia's oppression bares uncanny relevance to the present situation in Iran. In particular its description of its signatories as: "loose, informal, and open association of people . . . united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world" aptly describes how the struggles of various different Iranians for the most basic reforms and rights inevitably binds and inextricably ties them in the same struggle against the oppression which the regime inflicts upon them.
The title of this column isn't meant as an allusion to this years protests in Iran - that were an offshoot from the Arab Spring - but instead is an allusion to the Prague Spring of 1968. This is more of a broad comparison, as I don't want to convey the impression that I am the sort of person who stated that Mir- Hossein Mousavi was Iran's Lech Wałęsa. But I think there are several factors that bare a comparison of the Tehran of present and the Prague of the Soviet era.
The infamous intervention by the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact satrap satellite states into Czechoslovakia in 1968 when Alexander Dubček attempted to reform the countries socialistic system – under his policy of 'socialism with a human face' – was one of the first signs that showed the Soviet system was resorting using brute force as a means of prolonging its lifespan, clearly fearing reform would inevitably bring it down. In the intervening period (post Prague Spring 1968 to 1989) Havel and his various Czech dissident friends helped disseminate information and played an important role in the peaceful 1989 Velvet Revolution, which saw a peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy.
The manner in which Dubček simply waited following his removal by force from his position as Prime Minister in 1968 until a completely new generation of Czechoslovakians grew up under a regime that simply repressed them and tried to suppress their desire to voice certain discontentment's they had bares a striking resemblance between the aged senile totalitarian regime in Tehran today – which is becoming clearly senile and has shown itself to be readily prepared to utilize brute means to upkeep a status quo favourable to their survival and dominance – and the young and upcoming generation – which is more enthusiastic and strives to implement basic liberal values such as the emancipation of women, a free press and the right to free speech and an accountable government - whom like their Czechoslovakian counterparts of the day are gradually working in earnest to metamorphose Iran into a more pluralistic and secular democracy.
The Islamic theocracy in Iran attempted to reform itself in the mid to late 1990's under President Khatami in an attempt to curb the growing discontent among the growing future generation. Whilst these reforms did see to young Iranian's participating in politics and having a genuine interest in ensuring they had a stake in their future it proved to be only a superficial exercise. This was made painstakingly clear when a group of young Iranian students in 1999 mounted a peaceful demonstration in response to the closure of a reformist newspaper. The Basij responded with sheer and brute violence, raiding student dormitories, harassing women and even throwing students off third storey balconies breaking their bones and fatally paralyzing them. President Khatami “disowned” these protesters and went so far as to state in light of the violence exercised by authorities against a peaceful demonstration that such a defiance on the ban of a public gathering was "an attack on the foundations of the regime."
A friend of mine who lives in Tehran lamented to me a while back how he doesn't understand why so many young people strive to come to Tehran and added that if it weren't for family and friends he would like to move to another city stating that Tehran no longer encapsulates Persia's unique traditional feel and character as much as other cities such as Isfahan do. Furthermore long term inhabitants like him feel as if they are becoming “strangers” in their own town. The past year has seen – among other things – the importation from rural areas by the regime of boys aged no older than 14 to join the Basij to violently suppress gatherings and demonstrations. This is just another reminder of how petty the regime really is, and like the Soviet Union of the Prague Spring era is devoid of social cohesion and is being facilitated in a brutal manner to maintain the theocracies hold on power – in a manner similar to how the senile Brezhnev leaderships ineptness and self interest led to economic stagnation that eventually culminated in the collapse and dissolution of the Soviet Union.
One of the most foul and deplorable thing about this regime is that it actually has the gall in light of such a contemptible record to continually act as if it is a beacon of emulation and morality that all Iranians should look up to for guidance when looking for moral standards to set for themselves. When it has clearly shown time and again that it possesses no moral qualms over using murder and rape as a means of enforcing its self-centred solipsistic status quo.
The numerous and various aspiring Iranian liberal democratic secularists who want to move Iran and its people from the clutches of this dangerous, ruthless and whimsical theocracy have to face the fundamental reality in their struggle, that is that the leadership sees them as expendable and dispensable subjects of its rule. Once they recognize this stark reality and dispense with this unreasonable unsavoury regime and see it the way it sees them they will have reached the defining moment in their long, harsh and courageous struggle, and will therefore inevitably and ultimately prevail.
A broad historical comparison that bares consideration.
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| Anti-regime demonstration in Tehran. |
Today as political dissidents and women are struggling for their human rights and right to practice freedom of speech are languishing in the likes of Evin Prison the informal civic initiative dubbed Charter 77 which Havel helped to draw up during Czechoslovakia's oppression bares uncanny relevance to the present situation in Iran. In particular its description of its signatories as: "loose, informal, and open association of people . . . united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world" aptly describes how the struggles of various different Iranians for the most basic reforms and rights inevitably binds and inextricably ties them in the same struggle against the oppression which the regime inflicts upon them.
The title of this column isn't meant as an allusion to this years protests in Iran - that were an offshoot from the Arab Spring - but instead is an allusion to the Prague Spring of 1968. This is more of a broad comparison, as I don't want to convey the impression that I am the sort of person who stated that Mir- Hossein Mousavi was Iran's Lech Wałęsa. But I think there are several factors that bare a comparison of the Tehran of present and the Prague of the Soviet era.
The infamous intervention by the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact satrap satellite states into Czechoslovakia in 1968 when Alexander Dubček attempted to reform the countries socialistic system – under his policy of 'socialism with a human face' – was one of the first signs that showed the Soviet system was resorting using brute force as a means of prolonging its lifespan, clearly fearing reform would inevitably bring it down. In the intervening period (post Prague Spring 1968 to 1989) Havel and his various Czech dissident friends helped disseminate information and played an important role in the peaceful 1989 Velvet Revolution, which saw a peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy.
The manner in which Dubček simply waited following his removal by force from his position as Prime Minister in 1968 until a completely new generation of Czechoslovakians grew up under a regime that simply repressed them and tried to suppress their desire to voice certain discontentment's they had bares a striking resemblance between the aged senile totalitarian regime in Tehran today – which is becoming clearly senile and has shown itself to be readily prepared to utilize brute means to upkeep a status quo favourable to their survival and dominance – and the young and upcoming generation – which is more enthusiastic and strives to implement basic liberal values such as the emancipation of women, a free press and the right to free speech and an accountable government - whom like their Czechoslovakian counterparts of the day are gradually working in earnest to metamorphose Iran into a more pluralistic and secular democracy.
The Islamic theocracy in Iran attempted to reform itself in the mid to late 1990's under President Khatami in an attempt to curb the growing discontent among the growing future generation. Whilst these reforms did see to young Iranian's participating in politics and having a genuine interest in ensuring they had a stake in their future it proved to be only a superficial exercise. This was made painstakingly clear when a group of young Iranian students in 1999 mounted a peaceful demonstration in response to the closure of a reformist newspaper. The Basij responded with sheer and brute violence, raiding student dormitories, harassing women and even throwing students off third storey balconies breaking their bones and fatally paralyzing them. President Khatami “disowned” these protesters and went so far as to state in light of the violence exercised by authorities against a peaceful demonstration that such a defiance on the ban of a public gathering was "an attack on the foundations of the regime."
A friend of mine who lives in Tehran lamented to me a while back how he doesn't understand why so many young people strive to come to Tehran and added that if it weren't for family and friends he would like to move to another city stating that Tehran no longer encapsulates Persia's unique traditional feel and character as much as other cities such as Isfahan do. Furthermore long term inhabitants like him feel as if they are becoming “strangers” in their own town. The past year has seen – among other things – the importation from rural areas by the regime of boys aged no older than 14 to join the Basij to violently suppress gatherings and demonstrations. This is just another reminder of how petty the regime really is, and like the Soviet Union of the Prague Spring era is devoid of social cohesion and is being facilitated in a brutal manner to maintain the theocracies hold on power – in a manner similar to how the senile Brezhnev leaderships ineptness and self interest led to economic stagnation that eventually culminated in the collapse and dissolution of the Soviet Union.
One of the most foul and deplorable thing about this regime is that it actually has the gall in light of such a contemptible record to continually act as if it is a beacon of emulation and morality that all Iranians should look up to for guidance when looking for moral standards to set for themselves. When it has clearly shown time and again that it possesses no moral qualms over using murder and rape as a means of enforcing its self-centred solipsistic status quo.
The numerous and various aspiring Iranian liberal democratic secularists who want to move Iran and its people from the clutches of this dangerous, ruthless and whimsical theocracy have to face the fundamental reality in their struggle, that is that the leadership sees them as expendable and dispensable subjects of its rule. Once they recognize this stark reality and dispense with this unreasonable unsavoury regime and see it the way it sees them they will have reached the defining moment in their long, harsh and courageous struggle, and will therefore inevitably and ultimately prevail.
